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In order to understand the true nature of the
upcoming Free Trade Area of the Americas negotiations in Quebec City it
is useful to comprehend some of the subtleties of the rhetoric of the
interested parties. The USA is one the most influential powers involved
in the FTAA process. Its Trade Relations Department has issued a public
summary of US FTAA policy concerning a variety of issues, including
Labor and Worker Rights. The document is fraught with intentionally
vague wording and does not provide any substantial information regarding
US policy towards labor and the FTAA. This is due largely to the fact
that the US and the FTAA are not doing anything substantial in
the area protection of worker rights. With a few suggestions and
clarifications, based in history and actuality, the draconian picture of
labor relations that the FTAA paints becomes very clear indeed.
Here is the text of the [public summary] with my analysis in bold:
At the first Summit of the Americas in Miami in December 1994, the thirty four democratically elected [as far as the US is concerned - many dictators were "democratically elected" ] Heads of State and Government in the Western Hemisphere agreed to construct a Free Trade Area of the Americas. [They
agreed, but of course they did not mention their intentions to their
respective populations. This what is considered democracy, agreeing to
trade pacts that will dramatically affect everyone in the hemisphere,
without any public information or debate whatsoever. Any information
that is coming out is at the relative last minute, and is laden with
vague wording and rhetoric. Again, even this is not widely disseminated.] These leaders also agreed that as "economic integration in
the Hemisphere proceeds, we will further secure the observance and
promotion of worker rights, as defined by appropriate international
conventions." [Observance and promotion of worker rights tends
to mean in practice, talking a lot of hot air while doing everything
possible to evade the labor legislation that is in place. This is
obvious coming from the point of view of a corporation whose sole
purpose is to make money.] as defined by appropriate international conventions." [The ones that the USA and the institutions it supports, and which
corporations support, deem to be appropriate. The USA has a long
tradition of NOT ratifying international labor agreements. It should
also be pointed out that the US, who will play a dominant role in
determining FTAA policy, often holds a double standard: calling on all
countries to adhere to "international law" while breaking that law
itself. (When the US was reprimanded by the International Court for
abuses in Nicaragua, the superpower characteristically refused
compliance.)]
At subsequent meetings of Trade Ministers and Vice Ministers, the United States proposed [my emphasis]
several approaches to meet this commitment. For example, we pressed
repeatedly for the establishment of a study group to address the
relationship between FTAA goals and labor issues. [There is no
effort to come to a conclusive arrangement to protect worker rights,
there are however, a lot of proposals for "study groups"] We also proposed that Ministers of Trade review and discuss the
work of the hemisphere's Labor Ministers contained in the "Report of
the Working Group on Economic Integration and Its Impact on Employment
and Labor Migrations of the Tenth Inter-American Conference of Ministers
of Labor." [Again, what is being talked about is 100% hot air.
Essentially the US efforts surrounding labor issues can be summed up as,
"a proposal form a study group to discuss a proposal of a report,"
which was itself constructed by the generally conservative
(neo-liberal), anti-union Labor Ministers of the western hemisphere.]
Many delegations have
consistently opposed consideration of labor matters in the FTAA, arguing
that this topic was not relevant to negotiations on trade and
investment. [These, contrary to what is implied, include the US.]
Opponents of the U.S. proposals assert that the International Labor
Organization (ILO) is the appropriate forum to deal with core labor
standards. Accordingly, the United States could not obtain the necessary
consensus either to form a study group on labor or to include labor as
an issue for discussion when the Ministers met in San Jose in March
1998. [So in the end even the proposal to form a study group to
discuss a proposal of a report did not go through. The US, which has so
often used it's massive negotiating influence to veto resolutions, or
ram them through, in international bodies, is somehow powerless to
continue it's valiant efforts on behalf of the working population.] However, the agreed general objectives of the FTAA as spelled out in the San Jose Declaration include two key goals: "To
promote prosperity though increased economic integration and free trade
among countries of the Hemisphere, which are key factors for raising
standards of living, improving the working conditions of people in the
Americas and better protecting the environment." and [Completely rhetorical statement which is based entirely in the ideology
of the elite interest groups promoting the FTAA, and is in no way
similar to reality. In all areas where free trade style agreements have
been reached the standard of living for the majority of the population
has gone down (as in the case of Mexico in NAFTA.) The idea that free
trade somehow intrinsically protects the environment and worker rights
is absurd. Standards to do this are systematically excluded from the
agreements (or as abovementioned, consensus fails to be reached) and the
provisions of the agreements themselves often call for measures that do
just the opposite of what this statement claims. It is no wonder that
all across the Third World huge numbers of people are protesting the
"integration of the economies." If it is true that the FTAA will,
"promote prosperity....and....improve working conditions" it is only
applicable to the uppermost strata of society, which is, fittingly, the
group organizing the FTAA, and writing this document.]
"To further secure, in
accordance with our respective laws and regulations, the observance and
promotion of worker rights, renewing our commitment to the observance of
internationally recognized core labor standards and acknowledging that
the International Labor Organization is the competent body to set and
deal with these standards." [Although this is included in the "agreed general objectives" of the FTAA it is unlikely to be enforced, or enforceable,
in practice. As well, the ILO has often been criticized by local unions
and labor federations as being extremely lax and neglectful of the
demands and concerns of the rank and file. It is considered by many to
be a bureaucratic and ineffective organization, distanced from the
workers, and with little or no power to enforce even the moderate
agreements it reaches. It is thus quite suitable to the needs of the
groups pushing the FTAA. It must be stressed, though, that even the
resolutions of the ILO are usually far from implementable.] The
Ministers at San Jose did agree to the establishment of the FTAA
Committee of Government Representatives on the Participation of Civil
Society. The San Jose Declaration created this Committee and gave it a
mandate to receive inputs from civil society throughout the hemisphere
to analyze them, and report to the ministers on the range of views from
civil society. [This mandate was not well carried out. Due to
the absolutely minimal media coverage, only a few groups knew of this
mandate, and fewer still were able to give input] In the
November 1999 Toronto Declaration, Ministers again requested a report on
the views submitted by civil society and also reaffirmed their
commitment to transparency in the negotiating process and to conducting
the negotiations in such a manner as to broaden public understanding and
support for the FTAA. ["To broaden," a "public understanding,"
which is biased towards, "support for the FTAA," seems to be the
logical meaning of this vague assertion.] The Committee has issued two Open Invitations [Which most never heard about]
inviting civil society to submit their views on the FTAA negotiations
in writing and has prepared one report. That report states some of the
submissions raised the issue of labor standards and advocated their
formal inclusion in the FTAA. Similar views were submitted in response
to the second Open Invitation. The United States continues to believe
that the FTAA must include concrete provisions to implement the Miami
commitment to further secure the observance and promotion of worker
rights. We have proposed a provision for the Chapter on Investment that countries should not relax their labor laws to encourage investment. [Sounds
reasonable enough, but considering the history of neo-liberal free
trade, the US's commitment to upholding third world labor laws should be
taken with a rather large grain of salt.] We are considering, in consultation with U.S. interested parties [corporations and business interest groups] whether additional labor-related provisions should be included in any of the individual chapters. [So
the US is considering the issue by asking those sections of society
which will almost certainly oppose labor-related provisions whether or
not they should be included. This is presented as a good, progressive
move.] We are looking forward to the next step of the
negotiating process where the 34 countries will begin to address the
overall architecture and institutional provisions of the FTAA agreement
as an opportunity to pursue our goal of ensuring that hemispheric
integration promotes the implementation and enforcement of core labor
standards. [As defined by the ILO, or the US and its, "interested parties"]
Parallel Process
At the second Summit of the
Americas in Santiago in April 1998, two specific labor- related action
items were included in the Action Plan. The two labor action items are:
a) Modernization of the State in Labor Matters; and b) Basic Rights of
Workers.
Following the Santiago
Summit, the XI Inter-American Conference of Ministers of Labor was held
in Viñña del Mar Chile, in October 1998. The Labor Ministers adopted a
Declaration and Plan of Action that serves as a blueprint for carrying
out the labor goals of the hemisphere's leaders, [Almost all
elected with the support of intrinsically anti-labour corporate
interests, these leaders labor goals are likely to very different from
the goals of labor. The US and the Labor Ministers take for granted the
idea that labor having a say in the processes that affect it is
ridiculous.] as embodied in the Santiago Summit Action Plan.
As a result of that meeting, two Working Groups were formed, one on
"Economic Globalization and Its Social and Labor Dimensions" and another
on "Modernization of the State and Labor Administration." The labor
ministers also created an Advisory Council including international
organizations such as the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB),
International Labor Organization (ILO), and Economic Commission for
Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), to help implement the Action
Plan. [Which are more or less oblivious the concerns of the workers of the hemisphere.] The
34 summit countries have agreed that the next Summit to be held in
April 2001 in Quebec City will address three baskets of
issues-Strengthening Democracy [strengthening what the elite
considers to be democracy. The US government and elite, as well as the
elite of most other South and Central American nations consider
countries like Colombia to be strong democracies. Colombia has been
condemned by Amnesty International and the UN as an extremely
undemocratic society and has the worst human rights record in the
hemisphere.] , Creating Prosperity [For the elite], and Realizing Human Potential [Which
is understood by neo-liberal ideologues to be either making profit, or
if you are not a member of the elite, maintaining your position as an
obedient producer/consumer]. The basket on Creating Prosperity
includes Trade, Investment and Finance, Environmental Management, Labor
and two others. Under Labor an action item on Labor Dimensions of a
Globalized Economy has been proposed. The United States
believes we should use this opportunity to build on the work that has
already been done under the Santiago Summit Plan of Action. [Remember, nothing concrete has been done.]
For example, in the Summit preparation process, the United States is
proposing that the Labor Ministers be instructed to prepare a further
analytic report on basic worker rights and the labor dimensions of a
globalized economy as well as begin a dialogue on the labor dimensions
of hemispheric integration with Trade and other appropriate ministries. [Another proposal for another ineffectual "report" which will likely not occur]
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